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主题: 吴士存:南海九段线法律地位不容否定 2014-02-14

吴士存:南海九段线法律地位不容否定 2014-02-14 2014-03-16 18:53 #1

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politics.people.com.cn/n/2014/0214/c1001-24357538.html

吴士存:南海九段线法律地位不容否定

吴士存
2014年02月14日08:39 来源:人民网-环球时报 手机看新闻
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原标题:吴士存:南海九段线法律地位不容否定

  吴士存

  近日,美国助理国务卿拉塞尔在国会听证会上非议南海九段线,声称中国根据九段线宣示南海权益不符合国际法,要求中方就九段线做出明确说明。这与菲律宾之前提交“仲裁案”指责九段线违背《联合国海洋法公约》(下称《公约》)如出一辙。

  南海九段线也称为南海断续线、传统海疆线、U形线等,是中国政府1947年确定并于来年正式对外公布,在中国地图上由若干断续线所标示的围绕南海形似U形的海上疆界线(原为十一条,1953年中国政府批准去掉北部湾内的两条,故称“九段线”),是构成中国南海权益主张的重要法理基础和宝贵历史遗产。

  自1948年中国政府正式出版标有上述断续线的《南海诸岛位置图》后,包括南海沿岸国在内的国际社会在很长时期并未提出任何异议,更没有哪个国家政府就此提出外交交涉,皆默认该线的存在,包括美欧许多国家和地区出版的地图均据此将线内的南海海域标绘为中国疆域。

  然而上世纪70年代以来,随着南海油气资源的大规模发现、《公约》的签署生效,以及南海地缘政治形势的变化,南海沿岸国及国际社会出于各自利益考量,对九段线的态度和立场发生了根本性的变化,逐步从最初的肯定、认可及默认态度向质疑甚至否定的立场转变。特别是近年来,一些南海域内外国家联手推动南海问题扩大化和国际化,九段线也成为南海法理论战的众矢之的,某些国家对九段线的质疑和攻击更是变本加厉,而这其中的美国因素及其影响首当其冲。

  美国尽管一贯声称在南海争议中不持立场,但美国少数官员和学者的有关言论却往往大相径庭,这不禁令人遗憾和困惑。此次美高官对九段线发难就是一个典型案例。首先,九段线的产生先于1994年生效的《公约》至少40多年,而要求前者符合后者,甚至企图用后者否定前者,则违背了法不溯及既往的国际法基本原则,显然有失偏颇。

  其次,中国对南海诸岛及相关海域的权益是基于最先发现、命名、管辖和纳入版图而形成的一种合法权利,完全符合国际法并受其保护。稍有历史常识的人都知道,二战结束后是中国人民从日本侵略者手中接收了被其一度非法占领的西沙群岛和南沙群岛,九段线的产生正是为了确认并巩固中国在南海的既有合法权益,这是中国人民维护自身领土主权和海洋权益的一项重要举措,经得起历史和法律实践的检验。断言中国可能会基于九段线扩大南海权利声索空间,完全是毫无依据的主观臆测。

  再者,美高官此次剑指南海九段线,既有统一调门“声援”菲盟友的意味;更耐人寻味的是逼中国就九段线表态,倘若中方所为如美所愿,则会彻底消除九段线有可能不利于美国在南海形成海上霸权优势的担忧,亦可挤压中国未来强大后在南海的维权空间,为美国在南海的所谓“航行自由”扫清法律障碍。

  南海九段线是千百年来中国人民在南海开发经营、有效管辖乃至抗击外来殖民侵略等主权行为的集中体现和象征,它充分反映和代表了整个中华民族在南海的共同利益。作为规范和调整国家与国家之间关系的国际法理应保护而不是损害这一无可争辩的历史性权利。某些国家要求中方放弃九段线显然是违背中国人民意愿的,而指望中方重新界定九段线的法律释义也看似不现实。

  需要重申的是,中国从未将整个南海视为本国的领海,也不会像个别国家官员或学者所宣称的那样,谋求将南海变成“中国湖”,但中国在南海的合法权益和正当诉求必须得到有关各方的切实尊重和保护。中国是南海和平稳定的坚定维护者,也是南海航行自由与安全的积极保障者,国际社会对此有目共睹。希望某些国家在南海问题上不要以“道义仲裁者”自居,更不要选择性失明。▲(作者是中国南海研究院院长)

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吴士存:南海九段线法律地位不容否定 2014-02-14 2014-03-16 18:55 #2

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www.chinausfocus.com/peace-security/is-the-nine-dash-line-in-the-south-china-sea-legal/

Is the Nine-Dash Line in the South China Sea Legal?

Wu Shicun, President, China Institute of South China Sea Studies
March 6, 2014

Recently, at a congressional committee hearing, US Assistant Secretary of State Danny Russel made some unwarranted remarks on China’s nine-dash line in the South China Sea. He alleged that China’s territorial claims based on the nine-dash line was inconsistent with international law and demanded that China clarify its position with respect to the line. His remarks bear a strong resemblance to the Philippine criticism when that country filed a case to UN arbitrators, saying that China’s nine-dash line violated the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

The nine-dash line mentioned here is also called the South China Sea dotted line, the traditional maritime boundary line, the U-shaped line, etc, all referring to the maritime delimitation line set by the Chinese government in 1947 and made officially public the following year. A U-shaped chain of a dotted line (originally with 11 dots dropped to 9 after the Chinese government removed the two in the Beibu Bay area in 1953) outlining China’s territorial claims in the South China Sea has become a regular attachment to the Chinese map, constituting a key legal position of China’s claimed rights and interests in the South China Sea, and standing as an invaluable heritage of China.

During an extended period after the Chinese government officially published its “Locations of the South China Sea Islands,” bearing the above-mentioned dotted line in 1948, the international community, littoral states bordering on the South China Sea included, did not raise any objection, nor did any national government raise any diplomatic issues with China. They all tacitly accepted the existence of the line. In fact, a number of countries and regions in Europe and America have published maps to identify areas of the South China Sea inside the dashed line as territorially belonging to China.

However, since the 1970s, along with massive discoveries of oil and natural gas in the South China Sea, the signing into force of UNCLOS and the shifting geopolitical landscape in the region, both the littoral states and the international community at large have fundamentally altered their attitudes towards and positions on China's nine-dash line, from one of confirmation, approval and acquiescence to one of suspicion and even denial. Particularly in recent years, certain countries inside and outside the region have worked hand in glove for the escalation and internationalization of the South China Sea issue, with the nine-dash line becoming the principal target of the legal debate. Some countries have gone out their way to challenge and attack the nine-dash line, with the US playing the role of cheer-leader.

Though claiming to take no side in the South China Sea dispute, the US has allowed a handful of its officials and scholars to toe a completely different line. This cannot but make people disappointed and deeply confused. The recent row created by US officials is just a case in point. First, the nine-dash line predates the 1994 UNCLOS by at least over 40 years. It would be a little off beat to require the former to suit the latter or to use the latter as grounds to negate the former. Because, that would run counter to the basic principle of non-retroactivity of international law.

Secondly, China’s claims over the South China Sea islands and relevant maritime areas are based on its legitimate rights and the fact that it is the first country to discover, name, administer and exercise territorial control over the islands, which is entirely consistent with international law and fully entitled to its protection. Anyone with even a slight knowledge of history knows that it is the Chinese people that after World War II recovered the Xisha and Nansha Islands in the South China Sea from the illegal occupation of Japanese aggressors. The nine-dash line came into being for the very purpose of confirming and consolidating China’s legitimate rights and interests in the South China Sea that had long been established. It was also an important measure of the Chinese people to safeguard the country’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and maritime rights and interests in the South China Sea, a measure that can stand the test of history and jurisprudential practice. It is completely groundless to assume that China will increase its claims in the South China Sea on the basis of the nine-dash line.

What is more, the recent criticism of the nine-dash line by US officials smacks as well orchestrated support for the Philippines and a thinly veiled threat to force China to clarify its position. The trick is that if China complies, it may help remove US concerns over the line’s potential harm to US domination in the South China Sea while minimizing China’s growing capacity to defend its rights in the future, thus eliminating any legal huddles to US “freedom of navigation” in the South China Sea.

The nine-dash line in the South China Sea is a symbol that crystalizes thousands of years of sovereign acts of the Chinese people in the development, management and effective administration of the area, including efforts to defend it against aggression and colonial domination by outside powers. It reflects and represents the common interests of the entire Chinese nation. The entire regime of international law, which is duty bound to regulate and adjust state-to-state relations, should protect rather than undermine this irrefutable historic right of the Chinese people. Asking China to give up its nine-dash line is an obvious violation of the will of the Chinese people. And expecting China to redefine the legal meaning of the line is equally unrealistic.

It needs to be emphasized that China has never regarded the South China Sea in its totality as China's territorial waters. Nor will China seek, as some officials and scholars from certain countries assert, to turn the South China Sea into a "Chinese lake". But China's legitimate rights and interests in the South China Sea must be respected and protected by the relevant parties. China has been a staunch defender of peace and stability in the South China Sea, and an active guarantor of freedom of navigation and security there. This is obvious to all. It is my hope that certain countries can refrain from playing a self-styled moral arbitrator, still less becoming selectively blind.

Wu Shicun, President, China Institute of South China Sea Studies.

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吴士存:南海九段线法律地位不容否定 2014-02-14 2014-04-04 13:00 #3

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是的,不容否定!它是二战的胜果。是中国的国家产物。

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